Tokyo High Court orders compensation over death of left-wing activist Hoshino Fumiaki in prison

On 26 June, the Tokyo High Court handed down a ruling in an appeal filed by three bereaved family members seeking damages from the state over the death of left-wing activist Hoshino Fumiaki in 2019.

They claimed that the 73-year-old’s death was caused by medical malpractice on the part of the prison authorities. The High Court upheld the initial ruling by the Tokyo District Court, which acknowledged the medical malpractice, and ordered the state to pay a total of approximately ¥22.3 million. The appeals filed by both sides were dismissed.

Hoshino was incarcerated at Tokushima Prison, where he serving a full-life sentence. An abdominal examination revealed a liver tumor, and he subsequently died two days after undergoing surgery at the East Japan Adult Correctional Medical Center in Akishima, Tokyo. His cause of death was determined to be acute liver failure resulting from hepatocellular carcinoma.

Following surgery, a drop in blood pressure and urine output was observed. The High Court ruled that the doctors had failed in their duty of care to check for haemorrhaging. The court stated that “there was a high probability of survival had the abdomen been reopened to stop the bleeding.” Nonetheless, the presiding judge concluded that the failure to disclose the diagnosis did not constitute a violation amounting to legal redress, affirming the initial judgment as reasonable.

The first ruling had also deemed it unlawful that the prison failed to report the suspected cancer to the Regional Parole Board, which deliberates on parole eligibility. The prison warden had breached their duty of care by failing to take steps toward parole despite being aware of the cancer. During the appeal, the state argued that its actions were not unlawful, claiming that because Hoshino consistently maintained his innocence, he “lacked the intention to rehabilitate and there was no possibility of parole”. The High Court, however, found that “the outcome of such deliberations holds immense significance for the inmate’s life”. It ruled that regardless of whether the omission would have influenced the final decision of parole, the state had infringed upon the Hoshino’s right to due process.

The family had sought approximately ¥63 million in damages from the state and also claimed that Hoshino’s right to self-determination regarding his medical treatment had been violated because the doctor had not informed him of the suspected cancer. At a press conference following the ruling, Hoshino’s wife indicated her intention to appeal the decision to the Supreme Court.

The court ruling has also resulted in a rare mainstream media coverage for the Hoshino’s support group, which has generally received little attention from news media because of the highly political nature of the case.

fumiaki hoshino lawsuit press conference death medical malpractice

Image: Kyodo News

A prominent activist for the far-left group Chūkaku-ha (Central Core Faction) at the height of the protest cycle during the Long Sixties, Hoshino was arrested for his alleged part in an anti-war march in Shibuya, central Tokyo, in 1971 that descended into violence, with a riot police officer brutally killed. Hoshino was convicted based on the testimony of fellow activists who were arrested, though these were later retracted. (While audio recording has now been introduced, police interrogation tactics in Japan have long faced criticism for coerced confessions.) Hoshino eventually received a full-life sentence, despite doubts over the ability to identify who was responsible for the killing during a crowded protest attended by thousands.

I have followed the Hoshino support group for over a decade, attending many of its events, meeting and interviewing leading members, and receiving its literature. Comprising a main committee and a grassroots network of local branches, the movement publishes a monthly newsletter, and has now merged its activities and organisation with the retrial campaign for Ōsaka Masaaki (another Chūkaku-ha activist arrested in 2017 for his alleged part in the 1971 death). The most recent issue of the newsletter from earlier this month includes a detailed report from the group’s 24 May rally with extracts from speeches as well as reports on exhibitions of Hoshino’s prison art (regularly shown at community centres around Japan), plus an article about a protest in Okinawa (the group always folds the Hoshino case into larger ideological struggles and Chūkaku-ha activities).

Arguing that both Hoshino and Ōsaka are political prisoners, the group has campaigned for years for Hoshino’s innocence, pursuing every legal recourse for a retrial, and publishing and holding events to raise awareness of what it calls a miscarriage of justice as well as prison conditions and then, after Hoshino’s sudden death, his mistreatment. One of his supporters, Akiko, married Hoshino in the 1980s after his conviction, and their relationship inspired a stage play.

Along with petitions and newsletters, such lawsuits by small social movements and campaigners (in partnership with left-leaning lawyers) against the state and other government bodies are part of what the sociologist Patricia Steinhoff has frequently termed Japan’s “invisible civil society”: quietly and unspectacularly, the cases slowly wend their way through the courts and, though criminal cases in Japan infamously have a 99 per cent conviction rate, sometimes result in small victories, even if the compensation is relatively low.

I have also followed other lawsuits, such as by anti-Olympic campaigners over the eviction of unhoused people from Meiji Park to make way for the construction of the new National Stadium, by the student activist group Zengakuren over police officers’ assault of members, and by locals continuing to resist land seizures around Narita Airport.

Despite having now received two partial victories, the campaigners’ decision to appeal yet again and take the case to the Supreme Court indicates the function of such lawsuits as a matter of publicity and principle. By pursuing the case up to the highest court, it extracts maximum potential for public exposure and extends the length of the campaign, meaning participants in the movement stay motivated and mobilised towards the next goal.

Hoshino Akiko said at the press conference: “It is truly significant that the first trial’s ruling was upheld. I want to go to my husband’s grave and tell him that the state’s liability has been acknowledged. However, because the court did not recognise some of our claims, so I want to tell him that we will keep on fighting.”

WILLIAM ANDREWS

Posted in News | Tagged , , | 2 Comments

Pink Auteur, Red Outlaw: Adachi Masao and Japan’s Cinema of Revolution

I am very pleased to announce the publication of my book Pink Auteur, Red Outlaw: Adachi Masao and Japan’s Cinema of Revolution on September 1.

Published by Awai Books, it is a decade-in-the-writing critical biography of the filmmaker and activist, based on original interviews and sources in English, Japanese, French, and German. As the first book about Adachi in English, Pink Auteur, Red Outlaw covers everything from Adachi’s early student and underground films to his contributions to sexploitation, the New Wave, and experimental documentary and film discourse like landscape theory, and even up to his most recent works, though it very deliberately focuses not just on Adachi’s prolific filmography, but also places almost equal emphasis on his politics and carefully contextualizes his films and activities within the sociocultural milieu of his times. It draws on a host of primary materials like films, scripts, ephemera, court records, and declassified documents, and also existing scholarship about underground cinema and pink movies. In this respect, it is very much not the kind of critical biography a film scholar might write, but rather brings to bear my expertise on the Japanese New Left and my approaches as a cultural historian.

Pink Auteur, Red Outlaw: Adachi Masao and Japan’s Cinema of Revolution

One of the aims of the book is to demystify Adachi, to shift things away from the tempting yet simplistic reputation of the “director with a gun” and political pornographer, of the guerrilla filmmaker and filmmaking guerrilla. This is the scandalous image that he cultivated (both knowingly and otherwise) in the 1970s, and was reinforced and shaped by the media, authorities, and (eventually) film scholars and critics. While not wholly untrue, this media image is misleading because Adachi makes for, in many ways, an unsatisfactory hero for tankies, especially when we more carefully examine his screenplays and films, evincing as they do an ambivalence towards oppositional politics and New Left factionalism. Nonetheless, his own public embrace of his role as “criminal” and renegade, especially since his return to Japan in 2000, has further complicated this.

Following Nicolas Bourriaud’s idea of relational aesthetics, in which artistic practice is not something immutable but rooted in its periods and social contexts, I not only endeavour to situate any discussion of Adachi within his mediascape, but also argue for him more as a collaborator than as a singular auteur, which is also in keeping with his subsequent identification as a Surrealist, which is inherently interdisciplinary, collaborative, and nonconformist. Nonetheless, Adachi’s stylistic idiosyncrasies are plain, and likewise consonant with his self-proclaimed Surrealism in that his primary modality is a form of what I call filmic bricolage: a roughly assembled patchwork of techniques, tones, and narrative elements, often rejecting smooth structuring in favour of the unconventional, and resulting in an aesthetic that may feel unfinished and haphazard.

Adachi’s commitment at various stages of his career to screenings as part of the process of filmmaking likewise reveals an artist who is essentially dialogic, dialectical, and collaborative. This is only natural when we consider his involvement in both concrete political movements (most famously, Palestinian liberation) and, more generally, a cine-politics that goes beyond the instrumentalization of the medium of film in the service of revolution and ideology, akin to agitprop (ultimately little different from the ideological apparatuses of the state), to aspire towards the fundamental politicization of film production, screening, and discourse. Crucially, this works best when it still allows for ambivalence, for uncertainty and critique. Such collaborative urges are, I argue, sometimes in tension with his own particularity as an auteur whose visual language is decidedly unkempt and often resistant to the norms of form.

This book has been a labour of love since 2016, and at times I despaired over ever finishing, let alone publishing, it. Working without institutional affiliation or support threw up various hurdles, while I also encountered gatekeeping that gave me some sad insights into the anti-collegial attitudes of certain researchers. Unfortunately, we were not able to include stills due to issues with the rights holder, but the final book does have many fantastic illustrations by Milan Nagai and I am very pleased with how it looks. I hope readers will be too.

My thanks to: Matthew Chozick at Awai Books for getting this over the finish line and surviving a fraught production process; David Matthew Davis for his great cover (and it’s a shame that the world won’t get to see his original design for the interior or his great photographs of Adachi); Milan Nagai for her wonderful contributions; and many others far too many to name here, but who I hope I have remembered to include in the list of acknowledgements.

Publisher website
Amazon US
Barnes & Noble
Amazon UK
Foyles
Blackwells
MIT Press Bookstore
Amazon JP

WILLIAM ANDREWS

Posted in News | Tagged | Leave a comment

Silent, empty landscapes: Recent photographic practices about Sanrizuka and the Narita Airport protest movement

This year has seen the publication of Wakayama Tadataka’s photo book Threshold from Akaaka, the latest in a growing corpus of photographic practices that engage with the legacy of the Narita Airport protests and the current landscape in the Chiba area of Sanrizuka, home to the farmers who opposed the development.

wakayama tadataka threshold sanrizuka narita airport protest photography

Wakayama Tadataka, Threshold (2026)

As the title of his collection suggests, Wakayama sees Sanrizuka as a liminal, marginal, and anonymous space in Japan. The publisher writes:

At first glance, the images presented in Tadataka Wakayama’s Threshold could be taken almost anywhere in Japan: suburban-seeming scenery, elements like pylons and fences that suggest construction work, bland roads and buildings, and the commonplace mingling of developed and undeveloped spaces. It is only the presence of airplanes in almost every shot that acts as a defining, uniting element. All the photographs were taken around Narita Airport, presented in the book by starting north of the airport and moving counter-clockwise to the west, south, and east.

Before the construction of Narita Airport in the 1960s, the area used to be home to the village of Sanrizuka as well as farmland. Construction was met with strong opposition, even violent riots, but nothing in today’s bland landscape suggests anything of the area’s history. Wakayama’s images – which single-mindedly depict simply what happened to be there at the time of photography – are less a probing of some kind of essence of the past than a gaze at a space where several boundaries – past and present, public and private, unique and common – emerge.

Wakayama writes in the afterword:

Looking up at the sky, you see airplanes repeatedly taking off and landing. But that alone does not give the space inherent meaning. What is it, then, that constitutes the reality of the Narita Airport environs that so starkly contrasts with the images of nostalgic pastoral scenery and the violence of protest movements?

By reconstructing my own recognition and conceptions of the Narita Airport environs and, by extension, the appearance and character of the land itself, I expected that the inherent uncertainty of the place would become apparent. That is to say, equating today’s Narita Airport area to a “threshold” seemed to involve the discovery of space that wavers within the complexity of social, regional and personal relations, while continually questioning the tacit assumptions that underlie them. The airport and its surroundings emerge as an uncertain existence.

Wakayama’s lens is drawn to Sanrizuka as an ambivalent blandscape (to borrow the writer Sarah Royston’s term), a place of dead space, of concrete placed almost arbitrarily in the rural environment. Only the planes indicate a purpose for the structures he captures. Of people we see almost none, just the backs of male planespotters at a gravelled viewing spot, or an anonymous figure in the distance, possibly watching the photographer while standing beside the grey asphalt of the road, sandwiched between a two-storey building that casts a long shadow and the edge of the airport, marked by a tall fence and a wall of even taller trees.

wakayama tadataka threshold sanrizuka narita airport protest photography

Wakayama Tadataka, Threshold (2026)

wakayama tadataka threshold sanrizuka narita airport protest photography

Wakayama Tadataka, Threshold (2026)

Like Wakayama, the photographer Sakata Haruto trains his camera on the landscape of Sanrizuka, devoid of the human but not nonhuman, in that the signs of construction and land management are present in his images, quietly yet with a certain degree of menace.

We are reminded of Mark Fisher’s distinction of weird and eerie: the tranquil farms and satoyama pastoral landscapes are disturbed by the out-of-place presence (the weirdness) of what should not be there (the barbed-wire fencing), while what is missing (the eerie) is the past struggle and its participants. In his two projects/series, Death of Landscape (2023–24) and History of Metanarrative (2023–25), Sakata has captured lusher, more agriculturally resplendent images. For all that has happened, the Sanrizuka area remains a fertile place, while in Wakayama’s photographs, there is sandy soil where there should be grass, and the bushes along a sloped verge seem wilted. The undulating contours of the brown land in one shot feature rectangular chunks of earth missing, like freshly dug graves. Only the lounging cows, moving cars, or newly built houses suggest any hint of vim and vigour.

sakata haruto death of landscape sanrizuka narita airport rural village photography japan

Sakata Haruto, Death of Landscape (2023)

While it is tempting to read something sinister into Sakata’s photographs, not least because he purports to show the “death” of a landscape (or all landscapes in general), the viewer finds hope and warmth in the green hues, in which they try to locate what Sakata calls the “historical distance [lying] between transformed landscapes and the landscape of the era of struggle”.

In 2025, Sakata held a joint exhibition with Saitō Koyata at the Narita Airport and Community Historical Museum, Sanrizuka and Hitokuwada: Past and Present, that explored the relocation of houses and other buildings as Narita Airport moves towards the construction and completion of a third runway by March 2029. Sakata and Saitō’s photographs captured the current airport expansion and “improvements” that are affecting both Sanrizuka, the fulcrum of the struggle that began six decades ago, and the nearby Hitokuwada district. Sakata’s colour photographs showcase Sanrizuka (now part of Narita City); Saitō’s are in black and white, and focus on Hitokuwada in the town of Tako.

Sakata Haruto and Saitō Koyata exhibition at the Narita Airport and Community Historical Museum, Sanrizuka and Hitokuwada: Past and Present

Sakata Haruto and Saitō Koyata, Sanrizuka and Hitokuwada: Past and Present (2025)

At a talk for the exhibition, the pair discussed their contrasting aesthetics. As reported in the Asahi Shimbun, Sakata explained: “The more I learned of Sanrizuka history, the more resistant I felt towards photographing people.” Saitō said: “Considering the gradation that exists in residents’ thoughts about relocation, shooting in black and white seemed the right approach.”

Given the close proximity of the museum to the area affected, and its collection of materials from the struggle donated by participants, the exhibition was framed as an opportunity for personal reminiscence, healing, and sharing.

We hope that this exhibition will provide an opportunity for residents, those affected by the relocation, and all visitors to this museum to reflect on the past struggle and the current situation. Furthermore, we hope that it will contribute to the recording and transmission of the “memories of the land” for future generations.

Memories of the Land is also the name of a series by Saitō, who has been photographing the Hitokuwada since 2019 and, quite unlike Sakata and Wakayama, often features portraits of residents. But these are not presented as the faces of protest per se, but just as locals in their regular habitat. Sakata and Wakayama, too, generally keep signs of the opposition movement past and present literally to just that — some signs.

By dint of its personal focus, Saitō’s photography is warmer than the observational, detached style of Sakata and Wakayama. He is fascinated by how the expropriation of land for the third runway is proceeding without the violence of the past and almost without anyone outside the immediate area even aware. This is because, he notes, the local population is now elderly, like much of rural Japan, and vacant lots, empty houses, and necessary demolitions are a fact of life in a society that is rapidly ageing.

Many of the houses in the relocation area were built using cedar and cypress trees planted by ancestors and cut down from the hillside behind the houses for construction materials. Many of these trees are over a hundred years old, and they are gifts from ancestors, passed down through the generations. However, during the relocation, not only the houses but also these trees and fields must be cleared and handed over as vacant land. The lives and landscapes of people who have inhabited this ancestral land and sustained their lives by it are in the process of disappearing as March 31, 2029, approaches.

This issue of ancestry is particularly problematic in the case of Sanrizuka, where despite the perceived legitimacy of the struggle, a significant portion of the land originally expropriated for the airport was actually part of Shimofusa Imperial Stock Farm, operated by the Imperial Household Agency to breed horses, and some residents and farmers did not hail from the area, but had received land cheaply after the war as part of the mass resettlement of demobbed veterans and repatriated civilians from former colonies (though this may have contributed to the resolve of certain farmers not to give up what they won after the trauma of the war). Ownership in a non-legal sense is a slippery thing, and memory may not be as long as we might think.

Memory is also concomitant with change, which Morita Tomomi explores by using large-format photography to compare and contrast past and present Sanrizuka. He developed this project into Sanrizuka – Then and Now at Kyotographie 2018, exhibited on airport-style wire mesh fencing and with past protest slogans from the time installed on the white walls.

morita tomomi sanrizuka

Morita Tomomi, Sanrizuka – Then and Now (2018)

Given his previous interest in Minamoto and the Ashio Copper Mine, two of the most notorious ecological disasters in modern Japan, Morita is perhaps drawn to Sanrizuka as part of lineage of such human-made calamities brought about by interventions into the environment and landscape. Featuring as it does walls covered in vegetation and empty fields, as if Sanrizuka is a no-man’s land left to rewild, Morita’s photography seems to adopt a focus on a quietude and absence similar to Sakata and Wakayama, though close inspection of the images reveals the surveillance cameras that dot the landscape. This is no pastoral paradise free of human interference. Suddenly the barriers and roads take on another meaning: as signs of how late-stage capitalism parcels up the land to extract profit from it, and how the state monitors for signs of trouble in a place where blood was once spilled.

Morita Tomomi Sanrizuka – Then and Now

Morita Tomomi, Sanrizuka – Then and Now at Kyotographie 2018. Photo: Asano Takeshi

Rendered in their original font, the protest slogans appeared like phantoms on the white walls, the stark written messages barely legible under the light. In this way, the exhibitory format embodies how the distance of time renders the contemporary passion so inaccessible, and mutes any sympathy or understanding the present-day viewer might have.

While these four photographers are not all the same age, they notably hail from generations that appeared after the peak of the Sanrizuka movement. Born in 2000, Sakata is the youngest, while Morita was born in 1994, Saitō in 1986, and Wakayama in 1980. They have primarily experienced the airport protests through clips on occasional TV shows or through print publications. Boomers also experienced the protests indirectly, mediated through their newspapers and TV news, but it was still more immediate, and the weight of images — the spectacle, in a Debordian sense — had yet to exert its full pull on the reputation of the movement, on Sanrizuka as an idea.

The Sanrizuka struggle has resulted in the direct deaths of at least four police officers, two activists, and two construction workers, plus several indirect deaths through accidents and suicide. It is probably Japan’s longest continuous social movement, though its prominent inclusion in the displays at the Narita Airport and Community Historical Museum (which opened in 2011), to say nothing of the heavily reduced numbers of activists and locals engaged in the ongoing lawsuits, marches, rallies, and other modes of resistance, suggest that it is largely something of the past, consigned to a frozen historical narrative instead of a living, still-changing situation.

Though large-scale protests continued through the 1980s as the airport sought to open a second runway, the movement began to split apart and its strength waned as certain landowners made deals with the airport authority. The 1990s saw a surge of small-scale militant activities and violence, but by the time that Wakayama and Saitō were presumably old enough to follow such news events, the movement was largely regarded as a thing of the past, since the airport was certainly not going anywhere and efforts through lawsuits and so on to prevent its gradual expansion mostly only succeeded at slowing the process down rather than blocking it entirely.

By this time, Japan was in the Heisei era, widely seen as more subdued than the flashy, economically buoyant Shōwa years, and many of the most significant social movements gravitated to seeking alternative lifestyles and integrating these into a more reflexive, less dogmatic forms of activism: it was time of prefigurative, not instrumental, politics. The idea of donning helmets and charging a phalanx of riot police, or of planting bombs to sabotage construction vehicles would have seen not simply a thing of the past but of a whole other modality.

Photography is a reflexive medium, capable of exploring and projecting the photographer’s selfhood, and its relationship with their sociocultural circumstances. Previous photographers (especially at the height of the protest movement) were drawn to Sanrizuka’s violent spectacle of resistance, arguably out of political sympathy with the farmers and activists than a desire to exploit the struggle for visceral profit. The protest photography of Kitai Kazuo and Takashi Hamaguchi might, in hindsight, seem indistinguishable from the masses of news media images and photojournalism from the time, except for the intimate access the photographers enjoyed with protestors as fellow travellers: to wit, the largest influence on the aesthetic is possibly the subject matter and certain practical circumstances, not the individual photographer’s subjectivity (if, for the sake of argument, we discount ideology from subjectivity).

sanrizuka narita airport protest movement

Example of image of Sanrizuka protests from the peak of the movement

Recent practitioners, by contrast, seem more interested in the Sanrizuka landscape as an incubator of anonymity, hidden trauma, and the nature of temporal change: in other words, how Narita Airport fits into a wider consideration of regional depopulation and forgotten histories. Sanrizuka becomes a place of peripheral memories, not the location of flashpoints and clashes documented in the media. This constitutes not simply a break from the past but a clear departure in terms of political stance, style, engagement with medium, and distance from the subject (not least because so many of the participants have now passed away).

That is not to say these photographers are apolitical. Far from it, since even to turn to Sanrizuka as a subject (and especially to return to it again and again, as several of these photographers have) is a political choice. Sakata explicitly asserts on his website that his practice is a “catalyst for thought” that aims to “incorporate political content”. And yet, this is not a politicality in the previous sense. It is more interested in crisscrossing boundaries of presence and absence than confrontation; more reflexive than didactic.

As I wrote before about Sakata, in an attempt to see how he keeps context out of the frame (and to the side of the gallery space) in terms of Barthes’s notions of studium and punctum:

The gesture towards neutrality and the landscape is not a flight from interpretation, but an expression of a certain interpretation in its own right: a decision to interpret Sanrizuka without explicit triggers of punctum, as a stripped-down aesthetic, and to banish the studium outside the frame to accompanying reference materials and artist statements in the venue. And yet this bare aesthetic provokes an emotional response by its very unembellished and unspectacular nature: the viewer fills in the blanks, sees the context behind the present-day landscape.

The quieter modality seems in keeping with these generations’ manner of political engagement, more at ease as it is with participating in single-issue social movements, which have dominated in Japan since 2011, beginning with the nuclear power protests sparked by the Fukushima disaster. It might seem that the Sanrizuka struggle is like that too, as many residents’ movements are, though at the time it was anything: the airport was originally positioned as a central element in the 1960s anti-war protests, whereby Sanrizuka was part of a nexus of issues related to the war machine and imperialism in Asia (and which it is why it attracted the attention of the New Left groups), not least the reversion of Okinawan sovereignty, the Anpo security treaty renewal in 1970, United States military bases in Japan, and Japanese government and private sector involvement indirectly in the Vietnam War.

These four photographers’ practices also share an affinity with Daishima Haruhiko’s two documentaries about the Sanrizuka movement: The Wages of Resistance: Narita Stories (2014, co-directed by Ōtsu Kōshirō) and The Fall of Icarus: Narita Stories (2017). Though Daishima (who was born in 1958) focuses on interviews with participants, his films place an emphasis on the quietude of testimony and feature scenes of farmers farming and planes passing overhead, all of which consciously intended to create an affect of melancholic reflection on past failures and traumas. Daishima’s films, as well as his subsequent pair dealing with other aspects of the Long Sixties, adopt an explicit stance against political violence, which has drawn criticism from certain former activists and participants.

narita airport protest documentary wages of resistance sanrizuka

Daishima Haruhiko and Ōtsu Kōshirō, The Wages of Resistance: Narita Stories (2014)

There was always a tacit understanding that the filmmakers (like Ogawa Shinsuke) and photographers (like Kitai) embedded with the protest movement in 1960s and ’70s approved of the often violent means of resistance, even if it led to injury and death. The four photographers’ views on this matter are unclear from their practices (though Sakata’s website pointedly carries a stark non sequitur: “Website of photographer Haruto Sakata. I am a nonviolent person.”), nor is it even clear if they have explicit views even on the airport itself, but they do not engage directly with the ongoing nature of the protest movement, either to celebrate the stoic stance of the locals and activists, or to critique the futility of opposing an airport already open now for decades, but nor do they quite ignore it. The movement is in stasis, like the landscape itself: frozen in time, unhealed and unresolved; the participants and residents, former and current, have disappeared into the landscape like ghosts. This is especially ironic, given that airports facilitate movements of people across vast distances.

Given the recent surge in interest in Japanese landscape theory (fūkeiron), the body of practices and theoretical writings dealing with the relationship between landscape and power that began with Matsuda Masao’s publications between 1969 and the early 1970s, and is exemplified by the avant-garde film A.K.A. Serial Killer (1969), it is tempting to credit these four photographers’ focus on Sanrizuka to a concern with political power. Since the opening of the airport, the local landscape is a semiotic nest of state power, even if (or perhaps precisely because) the protests and residents are absent. Sakata’s exhibition title seems like a direct reference to Matsuda’s The Extinction of Landscape (1971), which he must know, though it is actually derived from a Kitai book with a coincidentally identical title published in 1970.

matsuda masao extinction of landscape

Matsuda Masao, The Extinction of Landscape (1971), second edition (cover image from A.K.A. Serial Killer)

Whoever we ultimately assign as the target of Sakata’s homage is a parlour game. The viewer should look to the visuals to decipher what actually matters, since Sakata (and Saitō, Morita, and Wakayama) are obviously not seeking to emulate the likes of Kitai with subpar images of recent protests, which would only ever resemble a pale imitation of past radicalism both in terms of activism and its documentation in photography. But neither does this seem like a straightforward extension of landscape theory, since the lack of people suggests a different stance towards the sociopolitical implications of Sanrizuka. (A.K.A. Serial Killer, for instance, famous contains no images of its subject, the titular spree killer Nagayama Norio, but people are utterly pivotal to its visual language of landscape, along with vehicles.) Here, then, we perhaps see a focus not so much on power as on boundaries and change, examined within politically neutral modalities of quietude, stasis, and absence, and aiming seemingly for reflection and a degree of reconciliation.

An iconography of the Sanrizuka landscape without power or politics might, in the wrong hands, become merely elegiac, which is the more sentimental affect that Daishima’s films tend to produce. And therein lies the rub and risk: a failure of critical engagement. While didactic or sensational imagery serves little purpose at this stage, the danger is that not engaging with issues of power turns your visual practice into a superficial rendering of the leftist melancholy that has gripped much recent fictional and non-fictional portrayals of the Long Sixties in Japan.

Sanrizuka is a lived and living place, a lost and emergent landscape, absent and present — all at once. Finding and honing a visual language that captures that inherent ambiguity is the challenge.

WILLIAM ANDREWS

Posted in Essays, Reviews | Tagged , | 2 Comments

Zengakuren splits and YouTube channel ends in fallout over sexual assault accusation

The far-left group Chūkaku-ha issued an extraordinary statement on 11 September announcing that a leading member of its youth wing, Ishida Mayumi, had been dismissed from his senior positions in the Central Student Committee and Politburo, and expelled due to what was described as “discrimination against women and sexual violence” as well as “forming a private party”.

Certain activists from the student wing, Zengakuren, have apparently joined the departing Ishida in response to his treatment, and the fallout looks set to affect Japan’s biggest student movement quite significantly, not least in terms of its self-representation, its relationship with its parent organisation, the online output it has produced in recent years, and the success it has had in recruiting new kinds of members.

Ishida Mayumi statement in Zenshin Chukaku-ha newspaper

Statement denouncing Ishida Mayumi and his “faction” in Zenshin, 15 September 2025

The scandal came to a head in late August and early September, shortly before the 35th National Committee Congress held on 6 September by the Kakumeiteki Kyōsanshugisha Dōmei Zenkoku Iinkai (Kakukyōdō or Kakkyōdō), known in English as the Revolutionary Communist League—National Committee, but better known simply as Chūkaku-ha (Central Core Faction). Zengakuren also held its own annual meeting on 11 and 12 September, though it is unclear to what extent this happened as scheduled, given the chaotic events of the previous days.

According to the 11 September statement, which was then printed in the 15 September issue of Chūkaku-ha’s official organ, Zenshin, and online, Ishida admitted to the allegations but attempted at the congress to rehabilitate himself by appearing with his accuser and their allies, having mobilised supporters in advanced by drafting a “counter-revolutionary document”. In response, the statement said, Chūkaku-ha “thoroughly condemned them and literally kicked them out, one by one.”

Silence then followed this apparently sensational internal rift until Zengakuren issued an angry statement of its own on 21 September, signed by Yajima Hiro and published on the Zengakuren website.

yajima hiro zengakuren protest

Yajima Hiro (left) leading a Zengakuren protest

Yajima is a twenty-six-year student at Gakushūin University in Tokyo who became chair of Zengakuren in September last year, and one of its most public faces. The “statement of censure” reveals that she is one of the activists who was “literally” kicked out and that she is the accuser — and that Ishida is her husband. “We have been a couple since 2021 and then for political and lifestyle reasons, got married in 2024.” In July of this year, she says, she “raised the issue of sexist behaviour manifested by individuals within the organisation and movement, calling for change by criticising her husband”. She added, “This also called into question how we should think about the fact that as long as we live in this society, we cannot escape the reality that sexual violence is inherent in romantic and marital relationships.”

The exact nature of the original accusation against Ishida is not wholly apparent, but it seems that the Chūkaku-ha Politburo has framed it as sexual violence against Yajima, though his wife appears to have sided with him against Chūkaku-ha’s leadership due to its unilateral handling of the issue and sidelining of her.

In July of this year, I submitted a document to my husband, Ishida Mayumi, and several trusted comrades criticising his discriminatory behaviour in both his political and personal life. Over the next month and a half, we held multiple discussions under systematic review, and by the first week of September, Ishida’s transformation had progressed to a point that I could accept. However, during this final stage, the Politburo intervened with a heavy hand, causing a serious problem.

After several weeks of traumatic negotiations (during which Yajima claims she became suicidal), Chūkaku-ha’s Politburo apparently decided on 31 August to take disciplinary action against Ishida for his “grave class crime” without consulting Yajima (neither as head of Zengakuren nor, even more importantly, as the victim/accuser) and to announce this at the party congress, making the issue known to the whole membership. “I, the party member involved, was not informed, contacted, or consulted about this series of decisions at all,” Yajima says. “There is no evidence of literal violent or coercive ‘sexual violence’ that ignored my express refusal, nor of any infidelity after our relationship began, and I have never claimed to have been a ‘victim’ in any of my accusations against Ishida.”

Yajima accuses the leadership of manipulating parts of the statements that she and Ishida made to damage their standing, orchestrating the denunciation at the congress, and then forcibly removing her and her allies from the headquarters. “We will never forgive the current Politburo members who committed such a class crime, and we once again demand self-criticism and an apology from all Politburo members,” she writes. She claims that she, not Ishida, was the “mastermind” behind the “uprising” at the congress, and accuses the Politburo of launching sexist attacks against her. On the other hand, it seems that Yajima was herself accused of betraying the movement by a female peer.

yajima hiro zengakuren activist japan

Yajima Hiro (from the Zengakuren website)

It remains unclear if Yajima has been formally expelled, given that she signed her statement as chair of Zengakuren, member of Chūkaku-ha’s Central Student Committee, and member of its Central Women’s Liberation Organisation Committee. Yajima was also evidently not assuaged by two statements issued by the latter on 18 September.

In what threatens to become a tit for tat and very public spat, the party leadership has since published a further, characteristically florid statement on 22 September through its newspaper, Zenshin.

We, along with many of our female comrades, appealed from the bottom of our hearts to the woman who stood up to accuse Ishida at the 35th Party Congress, saying, “Let’s fight together in a truly revolutionary struggle for women’s liberation!” We grabbing her hand and pleading with her. But she refused to walk with us. She chose to undo our hands and move further into the swamp. She chose the path to hell, fleeing from fighting alongside all her party comrades and throwing herself into Ishida’s arms to become his “saviour”. In response to desperate persuasion, her final words were, “I did the right thing.” It was now clear that she had chosen a different path.

Yajima suggests that reconciliation is neither forthcoming nor likely. “We tried to believe in our party comrades until the very end, and thought that if the Politburo had simply made a statement that it would self-criticize its discrimination against women, then reunifying would have been entirely possible, but the corruption within the party was far more serious than we had thought.”

The statements by both sides are couched in the usual ideologically heavy and aggrandised language that makes it hard to parse or understand for outsiders unfamiliar with the context or characters involved. Nonetheless, the response online has been quite notable, especially after Yajima broke her silence to her followers. The tidings were also almost gleefully picked up by the mainstream media, with a 16 September article by the conservative-leaning Sankei Shimbun even popping up in the Yahoo News highlights, followed by another article on 22 September about Yajima’s response. A personnel conflict in a fringe radical group might not seem worthy of such attention, but the media rarely misses an opportunity to report negative news about political movements, and enjoys a particularly morbid fascination with such far-left organisations, treating them as curios or frightening remnants of the violent “season of politics” of decades past. (The picture that accompanied the first Sankei Shimbun article was, somewhat incongruously, an image of an unrelated police raid on the Chūkaku-ha Tokyo headquarters in June.)

Purges are nothing new in the Japanese Left, though, thankfully, are no longer violent. One of the most conspicuous such ruptures occurred in the mid-2000s when several Chūkaku-ha activists departed, including senior members Kishi Kōichi and Mizutani Yoshitaka, who went on to become publicly critical voices about the movement, and several other activists were expelled a few years ago, all of which was covered extensively by the party organ, Zenshin. While some of this may seem like distasteful airing of dirty laundry, it follows in the leftist tradition of self-criticism and denunciation (not to mention, helps to control a narrative when different sides in a split start claiming different things).

In past years, acts of sexual violence might have been swept under the carpet or at least not foregrounded so openly by a group from the New Left, whose relationship with Women’s Lib and treatment of female activists was infamously problematic, both for female members of a group and those of rival factions.

Radical left movements are often closed, hierarchical organisations, with some members living together in dormitories and spending time away on trips to take part in protests. This can create opportunities for certain activists to prey on vulnerable members. (The proximity and shared ideology also explain why many female activists end up marrying men in the same organisation, as was the case with Yajima and Ishida. I also know of several other examples of couples within Zengakuren.)

One of the most notorious incidents was the so-called ABCD Mondai (ABCD Problem) of 1982, in which a woman was raped by a male activist at a so-called “solidarity hut” in the Shibayama area that was part of the opposition to Narita Airport, ongoing even after the airport opened. It contributed to the collapse and fracturing of Fourth International Japan after the exodus of female members. While Chūkaku-ha was perhaps not as notorious for such issues as other groups, I personally know of at least one male activist who was expelled for an alleged rape some years ago, and whose younger partner (also an activist in the group) left with him.

According to police estimates, Chūkaku-ha has some 4,700 members. The youth wing, Zengakuren (strictly speaking, Marugakudō or the Marxist Student League, which assumes the title of the national league of student groups dating back to 1948 but fragmented since the early 1960s), comprises around a hundred activists, of which around 30 per cent are women. Social movements in Japan have long relied on women to do much of the nitty-gritty organisational work, but Zengakuren’s female activists have risen right to the top. In the past, such leading female activists were often treated as femme fatale figures (Shigenobu Fusako) or dangerous witches (Nagata Hiroko), or relegated to being Joan of Arc martyrs (Kanba Michiko).

This trend evinces the more general feminization of protest in Japan (and arguably, worldwide) ongoing since the 1990s, shifting from the performative machismo of Gewalt (gebaruto, or revolutionary violence) to the prefigurative movements of the early Heisei period that focused on alternative lifestyles as much as anti-war messages, and the accessible and social media–savvy post-Fukushima protests led by the likes of the Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes, and then the pro–Article 9 movements of the 2010s, epitomised by SEALDs, which sought to transform the image of an activist as someone fashionable, attractive, and normal.

Since the late 2010s, Zengakuren has adopted a new style, led by veterans of the Hōsei University campus struggle, as it participated in the protests against nuclear power and Abe Shinzō’s government (issues with broad appeal across a wide spectrum of society) alongside its more established anti-war and labour causes. Fukushima was a key impetus and, as the anthropologist Vinicius Furuie has argued, the campaign against nuclear power was a crucial part of the remodelling process that Zengakuren underwent. This is perhaps a chicken-and-egg situation, and only a matter of academic debate if Zengakuren emulated the other post-3.11 movements to deliberately change its image, or just responded in ways that felt natural to its membership at the time, as they also had felt natural to other concurrent movements.

Ishida Mayumi Zenshin Channel

Ishida Mayumi appearing in a Zenshin Channel video several years ago

Irrespective of the catalyst, the changes themselves are evident in Zengakuren’s prolific social media output and self-representation, which was now fun and playful, at times even parodic vis-à-vis its notoriety. It launched the Zenshin Channel on YouTube, whose content encapsulated this more accessible, lighter iteration of the group. In addition to tongue-in-cheek videos and pastiche news reports, Zengakuren was now happy to indulge in memes, appear at Comiket, and even make digital stamps for LINE. More than just trying to appeal to digital natives who might be potential converts to the cause, I have argued that this new style was actively targeting male netizens and kyōsanshumi otaku (who are fans of the New Left, Soviet Union, and other communist movements) through both ironic posturing and moé visual registers, and attempting (with some success) to cultivate the seeds of idol fandom that had germinated organically first around Horaguchi Tomoko in the early 2010s (perhaps not coincidentally, around the same time that the singer and voice actor Uesaka Sumire debuted, herself a kyōsanshumi otaku who has integrated Soviet and other propaganda-inspired motifs into her releases). The aim was, seemingly, to portray the activists as harmless yet committed and sincere amateurs, up against the odds, and deserving of your support.

Uesaka Sumire

Uesaka Sumire

horaguchi tomoko ishida mayumi zenshin channel zengakuren

Ishida Mayumi and Horaguchi Tomoko in a social media image, ca. 2019

And all this online japing and jest without directly diluting the brand in terms of toning down the party’s forthright ideological statements on such matters as the emperor system, class struggle and imperialism, or its (well-deserved) sense of victimhood and persecution by the state through constantly surveillance, harassment outside event venues, and regular arrests on minor charges. And indeed, in the lead-up to the recent national congress and Zengakuren meeting, two student activists in their twenties were arrested by Kyoto police on 3 September on suspicion of assault and obstruction of justice. It was the seventh such arrests of student activists this year, involving fifteen members of Zengakuren (of which, only one was actually indicted so far). The charges relate to a protest held with around sixty activists on the Yoshida Campus of Kyoto University last December. Inevitably, the arrests were used as a pretext for raiding Zenshinsha, the Chūkaku-ha base, on 9 September.

In terms of precedent, perhaps only the Japanese Communist Party’s recent penchant for mascots and music videos, or its post-war flirtation with becoming a “loveable” organisation seem similar. Like with Zengakuren, this “fun” output does not mean that the JCP has dumbed down its positions or policies.

tomoko horaguchi zengakuren activist student japan

Horaguchi Tomoko being interviewed

The “Web 2.0” incarnation of Zengakuren often allowed its female activists to be interviewed by the media, which was intrigued by how the notoriously “scary” group was changing with the arrival of fresh membership and new issues coming to the fore. An article about just that appeared on Aera Digital earlier this month, admiringly profiling Yajima and other activists (while seemingly unaware of the current internal rupture rumbling away in the group). I also recently wrote about a tabloid news outlet’s long interview with a female activist that was published in the summer. Putting aside the sociopolitical circumstances that prompted her particular political awakening, it seems highly unlikely that she would have found the pre-Horaguchi Zengakuren appealing, and the same might be said for other young Gen Z activists from universities not traditional Chūkaku-ha bastions, like Ikenohata Sae (of Kyoto University) and Nishimura Ryōga (University of Tsukuba), who is transgender.

The fact that the accusation against Ishida was treated so seriously, thus, may reflect the softer, female-centric Zengakuren, and the prominence and centrality that certain female activists now hold in Chūkaku-ha, not least Horaguchi (today an elected member of the Suginami ward assembly) and Yajima, and also a desire on Chūkaku-ha’s part to learn from the lessons of the past (perhaps inadvertently overcompensating for the New Left’s previous failings).

Or rather, given the split and apparent departure of key members, including the utterly core Yajima, the messy fallout and the disunited response may demonstrate that Chūkaku-ha and radical groups still have much to learn about dealing with such matters. The disagreements over the handling, though, might be the result more of personality clashes and egos than of attitudes towards feminism, but for outsiders or observers, the biggest consequence is that it may mean that the “friendly and fun” chapter in Zengakuren’s long history has now come to an end. The largest indicator of that is the abrupt closure and deletion of Zenshin Channel from YouTube (shortly after the congress in early September).

Yajima had this to say about the unceremonious end to the online venture in which she played a central role.

In an effort to maintain its own authority and protect itself, the Politburo deleted the Zenshin Channel YouTube account, and began Stalinist historical revisionism just a day after the 35th National Congress. It will also liquidate its efforts to promote anti-war and women’s liberation struggles under the slogan of “Let’s learn from the students!” Going forward, I expect that Zenshin will continue to slander the so-called Ishida faction, demonize Ishida to maintain internal unity, spread false rumours worldwide, and inflict secondary harm on me. I have prepared myself for this and so have published my statement here. The 9/11 Politburo statement insults and denigrates my existence and years of struggle. I am determined to live on and crush all of the Politburo’s attacks, moving toward revolution. The more they try to portray me as a victim who was “shaken and co-opted by her perpetrators”, the more I will lose the trust of women and the working people through my independent struggle.

Whither Zengakuren and Chūkaku-ha’s student movement? If it splinters apart and wanes, all the efforts by Yajima and her cohort, as well as their predecessors, over the past few years to build up a new following may very well disappear into the ether of kyōsanshumi legend.

Zengakuren’s next public activities include a pro-Palestine protest in Shinjuku on 7 October, and recent social media posts from Yajima suggest it will go ahead. Chūkaku-ha is participating in an anti-war rally and march in Shibuya on 5 October. Zengakuren would also normally make an appearance at the annual labour rally at Shiba Park on 2 November, organised through Chūkaku-ha’s affiliated union Dōrō-Chiba. We shall have to see if Yajima and her peers participate, or if a new rump Zengakuren takes their place.

WILLIAM ANDREWS

Posted in News | Tagged , , , | 2 Comments

Meet the Chūkaku-ha Joan of Arc

News Post Seven published an extensive four-part interview in July with a 21-year-old woman identified only as Ninomiya, described as “Chūkaku-ha’s mystery beauty”.

More than the “respectable” sections of the media, the tabloids are inclined to give coverage to Japanese far-left movements with, if not quite a positive treatment, then at least neutral curiosity, in sharp contrast to the largely unfavorable manner in which radical activism is portrayed in the Japanese mainstream media, a legacy of the negative collective memory of the Long Sixties in popular culture.

As probably the most active remnant of the New Left, especially its small yet boisterous youth wing that has a notable online presence, Chūkaku-ha (Central Core Faction) is quite a common choice of subject matter for the tabloids, who treat it like a peculiar subculture with a dark and dangerous history due to its past militant campaigns waged against the state and other New Left groups until the 1990s. Today, Chūkaku-ha focuses on labour issues and anti-war campaigning, and no longer pursues violent tactics.

And like it did with more mainstream liberal groups like SEALDs in the mid-2010s, the media pays particular attention to the female activists, who attract two extremes of response online: misogynist opprobrium and and minor online fandom akin to idols. Horaguchi Tomoko, who is now a member of the Sugiyama assembly, was an early example of this in the second half of the 2000s, while the current head of Zengakuren, Yajima Hiro, is another.

We can trace a through line from this recent media fascination with female activists to the more sensational and sexualized treatment of their counterparts in the Long Sixties, as Chelsea Szendi Schieder has insightfully explored in her monograph, Coed Revolution (2021): a media project that she terms the “creation of terrifying, titillating female student activist”.

ninomiya chukaku-ha activist young woman female zengakuren

Obviously, Ninomiya is not what they called a “Gewalt Rosa” back in the 1960s, though neither is she a “typical” young activist (hence she makes such good copy for a tabloid). On the hand, perhaps there are arguably no typical young activists anymore.

In the interview, Ninomiya is presented at times as a “Chūkaku-ha Joan of Arc”, at others as a radical feminist, femme fatale, or even menhera (a slang term for a woman with a mental health disorder). The plot thickens early on when Ninomiya outlines a feminist view of contemporary Japan, but complicates matters with an admission that might seem to contradict that agenda.

“I feel that young women are oppressed in Japanese society today. They have to be beautiful. Society forces them to be like that. After all, being beautiful is an advantage, right? Of course, for idols who use their appearance as a weapon, or even in sales jobs, it’s always better to be beautiful. I’ve spent about ¥4 million yen on plastic surgery. But no matter how beautiful I become, there’s always someone better, and the costs continue to be high, and there’s no end to it. I think many women have the same worries as me.”

Ninomiya talks openly about her past trauma, in particular an instance of rape by a man she met through an online game when she was a student.

ninomiya chukaku-ha activist young woman female zengakuren

“The person I’d been communicating with the whole time was a man pretending to be a woman. He was already an adult in his twenties at the time. I felt like I had no choice but to have dinner with him, and then we went to karaoke afterwards. Karaoke boxes are closed spaces, so I didn’t feel comfortable going, but it didn’t seem like I had any other choice. That’s when I was assaulted. I tried to escape, but I was too scared. I was raped. I was so scared at the time that I don’t remember all the details.”

She asked a classmate for help and eventually went to her school, who told her to file a report with the police. But because it was an all-girls school with strict rules about “immoral” relationships, she was the one who got punished. “I was suspended indefinitely. Because I was the victim, the school told me to wait until I’d calmed down mentally.” She naturally found the school’s response hard to accept. “I ended up writing about my feelings of dissatisfaction online, and in the end I was asked to voluntarily withdraw from school because I had supposedly tarnished the school’s image.”

After graduating from a high school via distance learning, Ninomiya went on to university and studied international relations, but was dissatisfied with what she felt was the curriculum’s armchair theories and superficial approaches to subjects.

ninomiya chukaku-ha activist young woman female zengakuren

It was around this time that she started to have cosmetic surgery. “[The rape] was one of the factors that led me to have plastic surgery. The first time I had surgery was after graduating from a correspondence high school and before entering university. It cost about ¥80,000 to get double eyelids. Since then, the total cost has exceeded ¥4 million. The majority of that was the cost of shaving off the bone to make my face smaller. I shaved off about two millimetres from each of my chins and cheekbones.”

Her experience of rape and feminist views might make Chūkaku-ha seem an unlikely choice of group for Ninomiya to join, since like most other New Left factions, it is dominated by older male activists and (though not as notoriously as certain other groups) has had issues in the past with sexual abuse of female members.

The trigger to becoming an activist came about two years ago. “It was the winter of 2023. I happened to see the news about the Narita struggle [the protest movement originally launched against the opening of the airport and which continues to this day] and for the first time I clearly learned about its existence. I also heard about an organisation called Zengakuren. I was struck by the fact that among the demonstrators I saw were young people of the same generation as me.”

This led her to read The Communist Manifesto. “It provided a thorough and fundamental explanation of the injustice and discrimination I had felt up until then.”

Ninomiya identifies root cause of the problems facing women. “The mechanism or reason for discrimination against young women, including myself, is private property. In the world before private property, there was no oppression or discrimination against women by men. With the rise in productivity and the emergence of private property, class domination emerged — that is, a structure by which some families could dominate others. This kind of domination has also emerged within individual families. Within the family, women’s status has been reduced to that of instruments for giving birth to children. Private property lies at the root of discrimination against women.”

Ninomiya describes herself as a sexual minority without specifying, though reading between the lines suggests she identifies as lesbian. When it comes to bigger assertions, she does not mince her words: discrimination against sexual minorities and childless women stems from capitalism, with its emphasis on productivity, and then by extension, the imperialism by which capitalism aims to solve problems of surplus and overproduction by engaging in warfare and exploiting other nations.

ninomiya chukaku-ha activist young woman female zengakuren

“People have been led to believe that marrying a capitalist man will bring happiness. But that just means they are controlled by capitalist men and their capital. The same goes for sugar daddy relationships. Being beautiful is exactly what the bourgeoisie wants. There was no point in having plastic surgery. In fact, it was just exploitation. The commodification of women has led to excessive lookism running rampant in society today.”

Her private reading of the The Communist Manifesto prompted her to reach out to Zengakuren.

“Parts of the text are difficult to understand just reading on your own. In May 2024, I contacted [Zengakuren chair] Yajima and joined a study group. It is hard to grasp how The Communist Manifesto relates to current Japanese society if studying alone, but they explained it to me in terms of issues that relate directly to me, such as to my status as a sexual minority. They also explained the current global situation in an easy-to-understand way.”

And so we come to the fascination that undergirds the whole interview, the very raison d’être for a media outlet like News Post Seven wanting to publish such an interview in the first place: a morbid curiosity about the apparent disparity between a young, attractive woman and a far-left radical political group with a “scary” reputation due to its militant past. Ninomiya has no time for this kind of pat reductionism. “Chūkaku-ha and Zengakuren are called far-left violent groups, but who’s actually more violent? How many people in Palestine and Gaza have the authorities killed?”

Though the New Left was dominated by men and its surviving elements remain so, that does not preclude a degree of diversity or mean that we should lump everyone into the same category of “old male political boomers”.

“There are all kinds of people here [in Zengakuren and Chūkaku-ha], but everyone’s normal. Some have lived under capitalism, sensed the discrimination and oppression that exists, and so felt that they need to do something to fight back. Others are fighting against the wars in Israel and Ukraine. At their core, they all share a desire to overthrow capitalism and create a communist society.”

Being an article that pivots on the youth of its central figure, News Post Seven is inevitably also interested in the issue of parental approval.

“My parents are already divorced, but I haven’t been able to tell either of them [about my activism]. I don’t think my father would approve of me doing something like this. When my ex-partner found out about my activism, she warned me not to get arrested. She was opposed to my activism with Chūkaku-ha, but the passion of my explanation led her to give me her support. If I continue my activism, I believe people will come to understand.”

Being an activist doesn’t pay the bills, though, and as a committed activist, Ninomiya also travels widely to places like Okinawa and Hiroshima to participate in protests. How is she earning a living since she dropped out of university? And it’s here where an already colourful character becomes positively Technicolor.

“I’ve actually done a lot of different jobs, including working in a girls’ bars and hostess club [kyabakura]. These are the only jobs a young woman can do to make a decent living. It has sometimes caused me mental health problems, but I have to pay my younger brother’s tuition, and rent for lesbian couples is expensive, so I can’t quit working in the night-time entertainment industry [mizu shōbai]. I’m actually right now working as an dominatrix. I appear in videos and so on. I do pretty extreme things, like burying people alive as well as whipping, kicking, and punching them. I think being a dominatrix is the least sexual of all my jobs to date. Men think it’s sexual, but from my perspective, there’s no direct physical contact, and even the whipping is done from some distance. It’s a way of selling myself that nonetheless remains within acceptable limits. As a dominatrix, I don’t have to pander to men, and emotionally I can come to terms with it more than with other jobs.”

A far-left activist and lesbian dominatrix with a traumatic past. Who says politics in Japan is dull?

All images from News Post Seven.

WILLIAM ANDREWS

Posted in Essays | Tagged , | Leave a comment